Report on “Democratization at Stake: Gender Equality Norms, Backlash, and Policy Futures” (Brussels, June 9-10, 2026)
June 29, 2026Concepts such as online feminism, cyberfeminism, or digital feminism aren't a novelty, but in recent years they have become one of the trending topics to discuss in both academia and the media. We can assume that the use of digital spaces in advocacy or mass mobilisation has been the topic of interest due to global initiatives such as #BringBackOurGirls or the more recognised #MeToo. The digital sphere offers an opportunity for suppressed, silenced, and marginalized voices to be heard, creating what Nancy Fraser would understand as counterpublics.
Although the power and influence of the internet and social media cannot be denied, we should not fall into the trap of thinking that the digital space is completely inclusive, safe, and without gender gaps. Online presence and digital activism also carry a certain amount of risk. Balancing visibility and safety is a constant concern for feminist activists worldwide. In the current global geopolitical climate, it has become extremely difficult to talk (offline or online) about gender, gender equality, gender-responsive education, and gender-based violence.
We could say that a considerable amount of “water has passed under the bridge” since the word “gender” was established as the word of the year 2013 in Poland. While a decade or two ago, feminist activists in the CEE region or the Balkans have been still actively campaigning for the political recognition of gender inequalities, or advocated against oppressive gender norms - there sure is no doubt that by now, the term “gender” has been widely used, but more importantly misused in a way that would harm, rather than benefit the feminist and women’s rights movements. Our research and experience of interacting with activists indicate that after significant backlash campaigns occurred in this region (e.g., against the Istanbul Convention), activists tread carefully and some avoid the previously embraced discourse of gender (!) inequality when interacting with wider publics.
What is more, in addition to the daily struggles for the survival of organizations due to chronic lack of financial resources, spreading anti-NGO-ism in some regions, and concerns about physical safety, feminist activists and representatives of women's rights organizations must also worry about digital security and digital violence, which is becoming one of the most widespread forms of gender-based violence (GBV) also experienced by a wide array of human rights defenders (including feminists).
Considering the advantages and disadvantages of social media, the question arises: do we all have to be online? Is someone less of an activist if she decides not to be part of the digital competition for shares, likes, comments, and reposts? And yet, is it a mistake if we are solely relying on the good-old-fashioned activism while ignoring current digital trends? Could it be that while some doors are being closed (e.g., allies in governmental institutions are disappearing), other online venues of advocacy are being created online? As governments grow hostile towards feminist advocacy and cooperation, former strategies have to be replaced by new ones. But how should the impact brought by new opportunities and strategies be assessed?
The good news is that when it comes to activism, there is no one-size-fits-all answer or a written-in-stone roadmap that one must follow. In the era of polarization, anti-gender mobilizations, online misogyny, censorship, self-censorship, disinformation, and algorithmic bias, feminist activists should decide for themselves which approaches and actions resonate with them and their collective. Nonetheless, this opens up questions of feminist ethics and how this ethics should be practiced in everyday interactions with the audience online. At the end of the day, it all comes down to staying true to your mission and core values, authenticity, consistency, and being there for your community and beneficiaries, whether in-person or digitally.
This blog post was created in the scope of Short-Term Scientific Mission at the Comenius University Bratislava (Univerzita Komenského v Bratislave), which was supported by the CA23149 - Democratization at stake? Comparing Anti-Gender Politics in CEE and NME countries (Antigender-Politics).
Draga Gajic and Veronika Valkovicova